New Issue of Medieval Archaeology August 2018

Last year the Society for Medieval Archaeology decided to publish two issues per year of the journal Medieval Archaeology. The issue from June 2018 cover a wide variety of themes and subjects offering a handful of new and inspiring articles as well as a series of book reviews

List of contents:

Dressed for Ritual, Dressed for Life. A Migration-Period Grave from Sande in Norway
Marianne Vedeler, Elna Siv Kristoffersen & Ingunn Marit Røstad
Pages: 1-27

The Eslington Sword and the Kingdom of Northumbria
Rob Collins & Sam Turner
Pages: 28-52

An Insular Reliquary from Melhus: The Significance of Insular Ecclesiastical Material in Early Viking-Age Norway
Aina Heen-Pettersen & Griffin Murray
Pages: 53-82

Pebbles and Peregrinatio: The Taskscape of Medieval Devotion on Inishark Island, Ireland
Ryan Lash
Pages: 83-104

The Archaeology of the Military Orders: The Material Culture of Holy War
Aleks Pluskowski
Pages: 105-134

Medieval Timber Motte Towers
William Wyeth
Pages: 135-156

Archaeological Excavations of the Medieval Royal Kincardine Landscape, Aberdeenshire, Scotland 
Kevin Malloy & Derek Hall
Pages: 157-176

 

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The Royal Complex of Scone from the 10th century

Scone is best known for the Stone of Scone, also known as the Stone of Destiny or the Stone of Coronation. Less well known is that Scone was the primary ceremonial and legislative gathering place in Scotland. Recently, the results from extensive archaeological excavations were published.

The Stone of Scone is an oblong, red sandstone used as the Scottish coronation stone. Famously taken by Edward I of as part of the spoils of war and taken to Westminster. Although, the English promised to return the stone in 1328, it remained in England until 1950, when it was “stolen” from The Abbey and brought back to Scotland. Retrieved by the British Authorities, it was not until 1996 that the stone was formally returned to Scotland as a gesture of conciliation. It now resides at the castle in Edinburgh until the next British coronation. Whether or not this Stone of Scone is the original has been disputed for centuries. More interesting though, it seems, is to investigate the original setting of the stone at the centre of the ancient ceremonial assembly ground at Scone and compare the site with other similar assembly grounds.

The Royal Complex at Scone

The Stone of Scone. Source: Wikipedia
The Stone of Scone. Source: Wikipedia

Scone’s role as the premier site for royal investiture and legislative assemblies is well known. The earliest trusted record dates to AD 906, while the last state occasion took place in 1651.

At the centre of the complex is the Moothill Mound, the site of an Augustinian Abbey founded by Alexander I in c. 1120. The mound measures 90 x 64 metres and rises two metres above ground. It is located inside the Abbey grounds with the ruined church to the south. This measured c. 77 metres and was impressive enough to be used for the actual medieval unction and coronation ceremonies of kings and queens.

Moothill, itself, was ditched. Radiocarbon dates from charcoal fragments found in the ditch dates the site to the 10thto 12thcenturies, thus generally confirming the written evidence, from the Chronicle of the Kings of Alba’ (dated to the 10thcentury.) As excavations in the mound itself has not been carried out the exact date cannot be fixed, but the possibility exists that the written record and the construction of the mound and the ditch surrounding it can be dated to c. AD 1000. “Whether in the tenth or eleventh century, the creation and augmentation of a monumental platform for high ceremonial and legislative assemblies was implicated in elite political strategies to elevate Scone as a royal centre”, writes O’Grady, who continues to describe how the place was used for legislative assemblies until the 15thcentury, when they were moved to more secure locations in the royal strongholds of Perth, Stirling, and Edinburgh.

The European Context

After the foundation of the Abbey in the 12thcentury, the meeting ground at Scone came to look much like the traditional idea of an “Aula Regia”, a space consisting of a royal chapel, a space dedicated to processions, and a proper meeting ground – whether inside a hall or outside on a mound. The O’Grady mentions similar places at Cordoba, Aachen, Westminster, Prague, Gamla Uppsala, Nidaros in Norway and Lund in Sweden. Others worthwhile exploring in detail would be Paderborn, the Saxon twin of Aachen, the somewhat later Goslar, and Jelling, with the last two dated to approximately to the same timeframe as the complex at Scone (the 10thand early 11thcentury).

Whether or not a church was erected at Scone at the beginning of the 10thcentury cannot be known without further excavations. It seems likely, though, that familiarity with the model as it derived from Trier via Aachen, was widespread in the 10thcentury and onwards, and that it likely inspired the construction of the assembly site at Scone.

SOURCE:

Accumulating Kingship: the archaeology of elite assembly in medieval Scotland
By Oliver J. T. O’Grady
In: World Archaeology
Published online: 12 Jul 2018

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Oliver J. T. O’Grady is a landscape archaeologist with expertise in the archaeology and history of medieval north-west Europe. His research focuses are the interdisciplinary study of medieval landscapes and elite central places, the material remains of medieval gathering practices and the political role of the medieval Church. His PhD was entitled ‘The Setting and Practice of Open-air Judicial Assemblies in Medieval Scotland’, which led to his role as Principal Investigator of field investigation projects at the royal centre and medieval inauguration site at Scone in Perthshire, Scotland (2005–2011). He currently works as a freelance independent researcher and archaeologist.

READ MORE:

He has worked in connection with the project: Debating the Thing in the North: the Assembly Project.

 

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Scone is best known for the Stone of Scone, also known as the Stone of Destiny or the Stone of Coronation. Less well known is that Scone was the primary ceremonial and legislative gathering place in Scotland. Recently, the results from extensive archaeological excavations were published.

The Stone of Scone is an oblong, red sandstone used as the Scottish coronation stone. Famously taken by Edward I of as part of the spoils of war and taken to Westminster. Although, the English promised to return the stone in 1328, it remained in England until 1950, when it was “stolen” from The Abbey and brought back to Scotland. Retrieved by the British Authorities, it was not until 1996 that the stone was formally returned to Scotland as a gesture of conciliation. It now resides at the castle in Edinburgh until the next British coronation. Whether or not this Stone of Scone is the original has been disputed for centuries. More interesting though, it seems, is to investigate the original setting of the stone at the centre of the ancient ceremonial assembly ground at Scone and compare the site with other similar assembly grounds.

The Royal Complex at Scone

The Stone of Scone. Source: Wikipedia
The Stone of Scone. Source: Wikipedia

Scone’s role as the premier site for royal investiture and legislative assemblies is well known. The earliest trusted record dates to AD 906, while the last state occasion took place in 1651.

At the centre of the complex is the Moothill Mound, the site of an Augustinian Abbey founded by Alexander I in c. 1120. The mound measures 90 x 64 metres and rises two metres above ground. It is located inside the Abbey grounds with the ruined church to the south. This measured c. 77 metres and was impressive enough to be used for the actual medieval unction and coronation ceremonies of kings and queens.

Moothill, itself, was ditched. Radiocarbon dates from charcoal fragments found in the ditch dates the site to the 10thto 12thcenturies, thus generally confirming the written evidence, from the Chronicle of the Kings of Alba’ (dated to the 10thcentury.) As excavations in the mound itself has not been carried out the exact date cannot be fixed, but the possibility exists that the written record and the construction of the mound and the ditch surrounding it can be dated to c. AD 1000. “Whether in the tenth or eleventh century, the creation and augmentation of a monumental platform for high ceremonial and legislative assemblies was implicated in elite political strategies to elevate Scone as a royal centre”, writes O’Grady, who continues to describe how the place was used for legislative assemblies until the 15thcentury, when they were moved to more secure locations in the royal strongholds of Perth, Stirling, and Edinburgh.

The European Context

After the foundation of the Abbey in the 12thcentury, the meeting ground at Scone came to look much like the traditional idea of an “Aula Regia”, a space consisting of a royal chapel, a space dedicated to processions, and a proper meeting ground – whether inside a hall or outside on a mound. The O’Grady mentions similar places at Cordoba, Aachen, Westminster, Prague, Gamla Uppsala, Nidaros in Norway and Lund in Sweden. Others worthwhile exploring in detail would be Paderborn, the Saxon twin of Aachen, the somewhat later Goslar, and Jelling, with the last two dated to approximately to the same timeframe as the complex at Scone (the 10thand early 11thcentury).

Whether or not a church was erected at Scone at the beginning of the 10thcentury cannot be known without further excavations. It seems likely, though, that familiarity with the model as it derived from Trier via Aachen, was widespread in the 10thcentury and onwards, and that it likely inspired the construction of the assembly site at Scone.

SOURCE:

Accumulating Kingship: the archaeology of elite assembly in medieval Scotland
By Oliver J. T. O’Grady
In: World Archaeology
Published online: 12 Jul 2018

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Oliver J. T. O’Grady is a landscape archaeologist with expertise in the archaeology and history of medieval north-west Europe. His research focuses are the interdisciplinary study of medieval landscapes and elite central places, the material remains of medieval gathering practices and the political role of the medieval Church. His PhD was entitled ‘The Setting and Practice of Open-air Judicial Assemblies in Medieval Scotland’, which led to his role as Principal Investigator of field investigation projects at the royal centre and medieval inauguration site at Scone in Perthshire, Scotland (2005–2011). He currently works as a freelance independent researcher and archaeologist.

READ MORE:

He has worked in connection with the project: Debating the Thing in the North: the Assembly Project.

 

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Genetic Perspective on the Bavarians from the Migration period

Recently the human remains from 41 graves from six early medieval cemeteries in Southern Bavaria yielded genomic data showing that while men generally had ancestry resembling northern or central Europeans, the women exhibited a very high genetic heterogeneity.

 

Map of southern Bavarian burial grounds from the Early Middle Ages with geographic indication of migration of females with elongated skulls. Source: Pinterest
Map of southern Bavarian burial grounds from the Early Middle Ages with geographic indication of migration of females with elongated skulls. Source: Anton Doll.

The early medieval burial grounds around Altenerding are justly famous for their plague victims, whose aDNA revealed the genetic imprint of the Justinian Plague as being of the same kind as the Black Death. The archaeological excavations have uncovered a multitude of detailed information about their daily life as well as burial customs. Now recent studies of their aDNA have added to this profile helping us to know about the ancestry of these people and the complex demographic processes, which made up the populace of some of the migratory movements of the 5thand 6thcentury.

The first mention of the Baiuvarii – present-day Bavarians – is credited to the historian Jordanes, who wrote about them in his book Getica in 551. Settled in the present-day upper and lower Bavaria, it has traditionally been argued that these Baiuvarii were composed of a mixture of the resident provincial Roman population plus immigrants from north-eastern Bavaria and Bohemia as well as their descendants (p. 151).

The new studies of the aDNA of some of these people show that the picture is much more complex.

First of all the study of the genomic data documents that people – apart from two females from Greek or Anatolian descent – predominantly exhibited a northern or central European ancestry, more precisely located in present-day northern France, the Netherlands, and Northern Germany. No traces were found of southwestern European DNA. Thus the authors conclude that the genetic profile of the population argue against any kind of significant admixture between the local migrants from the north and the Roman militia.

Further, one of the features of some of the skeletons in the five locations studied, is their elongated skulls, artificially created during early childhood. In the Bavarian sample these skulls belonged exclusively to females and could be detected in 14 individuals.

The genetics analysis showed that the individuals with these skulls presented an admixture of genetic ancestry found in southern to southeastern European countries. One woman even showed East-Asian ancestry

One of the most striking results of this study is the genetic difference between Early Medieval individuals with or without elongated skull, writes the group of scientists. While both females and males without this artificially induced deformity exhibited a common ancestry of northwestern and central European descent, the females with elongated skulls were genetically much more diverse. It thus looks as if local Bavarians did not artificially deform the heads of their children as has been suggested elsewhere. Such females likely migrated from southeastern Europe, witnessing to a system of exogamic exchanges of females between Baiuvarii and the steppe people (the Huns, Samatians and Avars). However the study suggests that this explanation does not cover the genetic findings.

These females, however, were obviously integrated into the local communities as their assemblies of grave goods showed a cultural mixture of both worlds. “This not only indicates a potentially significant level of integration of these women, but also cautions against inferring migration from material culture”, they write. (p. 3497)

The authors conclude that the genomic analysis of the type carried out on the 41 individuals in this sample, demonstrate the need for more micro-analyses of the same type. Such studies are essential to “better understand the complex patterns of migration, admixture, population structure, growth, and selection during more recent times”, they write.

FEATURED PHOTO:

Females buried at Altenerding with elongated skulls. © State collection for Anthropology and Paleoanatomy Munich, Germany

NOTES:

The Baiuvarii and Thuringi: An Ethnographic Perspective
Ed. by Janine Fries-Knoblach, Heiko Steuer and John Hines
Boydell & Brewer 2014, p. 151)

 

SOURCE:

Population genomic analysis of elongated skulls reveals extensive female-biased immigration in Early Medieval Bavaria
By Krishna R. Veeramah, Andreas Rott, Melanie Groß, Lucy van Dorp, Saioa López, Karola Kirsanow, Christian Sell, Jens Blöcher, Daniel Wegmann, Vivian Link, Zuzana Hofmanová, Joris Peters, Bernd Trautmann, Anja Gairhos, Jochen Haberstroh, Bernd Päffgen, Garrett Hellenthal, Brigitte Haas-Gebhard, Michaela Harbeck, and Joachim Burger. Edited by Eske Willerslev, University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Denmark, and approved January 30, 2018 (received for review November 21, 2017)
IN: PNAS March 27, 2018. 115 (13) 3494-3499; published ahead of print March 12, 2018.

READ MORE:

Altenerding in Oberbayern. Struktur des frühmittelalterlichen Gräberfeldes und Ethnogenese der Bajuwaren.
Ed. by Hans Losert and Andrej Pleterski
Berlin, Bamberg, Ljubljana 2003

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The Genetics of Longobard-Era Migrations

For some time an international and interdisciplinary group of archaeologists, scientists, and historians have worked to uncover the minutiae of the Longobard invasion of Italy in AD 568. Genetic explorations are shedding extremely important new light on the linkage between genetics and cultural profiles.

According to the historian Paul the Deacon, the Longobards, who entered Italy in 568, originally came from Scandinavia via present-day Hungary and Czekia. Traditionally they have been identified through their jewellery and weapons as well as the tradition of burying their dead in furnished graves.

In the latter part of the 20thcentury, questions were raised as to the extent objects might be identified as markers for ethnic identity. These questions were part of avery  contentious debate as to the magnitude of the migratory movement of people in the 4thto 6thcenturies, the so-called migration period.

Was it just small groups of Germanic mercenaries, who migrated? Did women participate in the migrations or were they “sourced” among the local populace? Did the distinct jewels, weapons and burial practices reflect inventions of traditions following the upheavals in Late Antiquity? Rather than a cultural diffusion from Germania Magna into the Western Roman Empire?

One way of answering these questions is of course to try and characterise the genetic make-up of people from different kinds of burials in order to identify their genetic heritage and then par it with their cultural profile.

Recently the researchers behind the project “Lombards on the Move”  – reported some new results. By studying the mitochondrial sequences of 87 individuals from nine early-medieval cemeteries along the route believed to have been used by the migrating Longobards in the mid-6thcentury, and linking the results with the cultural profiles of their burials, they have come up with some fascinating results.

The mains results are that there was a 70% degree of genetic continuity between individuals buried with what is believed to be traditional Longobard cultural markers reaching from Hungary to Northwestern Italy. Also, regarding twelve individuals, it was possible to discern a mitochondrial profile found in high frequencies in northern Europe, e. g. Finland. Eight of these twelve persons were buried with what has hitherto been regarded as typical Longobard artefacts. But the study also showed that a definite genetic admixture had taken place – either at an earlier time or during the migration period. To conclude: there did exist a certain likage between genetics and material culture. But the identification is not 100%.

In their conclusion, the authors write that “this supports the idea that the spread of Longobards into Italy actually involved movements of a fairly large number of people, who gave a substantial contribution to the gene pool of the resulting populations.” This is even more remarkable as the mitochondrial element of a genetic profile is inherited though mothers, which means that the migratory movement cannot have consisted only of male militia. Women must to some extent have accompanied them, or their offspring in the new locality would have lost its original genetic imprint.

SOURCE:

A Genetic Perspective on Longobard-Era migrations
By Stefania Vai, Andrea Brunelli, Alessandra Modi, Francesca Tassi, Chiara Vergata, Elena Pilli, Martina Lari, Roberta Rosa Susca, Caterina Giostra, Luisella Pejrani Baricco, Elena Bedini, Istvan Koncz, Tivadar Vidar, Balazs Gusztav Mende, Daniel Winger, Zuzana Loskotova, Krishna Veeramah, Patrick Geary, Guido Barbujani, David Caramelli, Silvia Ghirotto
The article has been generously shared on bioRxiv – The Preprint Server for Biology. (And has not yet been peer-reviewed).

READ ALSO:

Migration, integration and cultural consolidation are the new buzzwords in archaeology

Social Structure among the Longobards in Northern Italy in the 6th and 7th centuries

Burgundian and Longobardian “Fara”

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Migration and Dialects in Northern Europe before and after the Migration Period

From the fourth to the 7thcenturies, the Germanic Languages underwent a series of rapid shifts, when the language split into a number of dialects. A new study maps the geographical routes along which these dialects spread.

In the 4thcentury – as witnessed by the Runic inscription on the golden horns from Gallehus – a linguistic unity ruled the Germanic languages in the North-West. After the migration period, however, this unity was split as witnessed by the emerging Old English and Old Frisian dialects on one hand and Continental Germanic (Old Low Franconian and Old High German) on the other. A likely explanation is the old linguistic unity was dissolved after people began to migrate.

In this process of the formation of the different Germanic dialects, Old Saxon has entertained an ambiguous position. Simply put, the new dialect shared various innovations with Old English and Old Frisian. On the other hand, it also featured traits common to Old High German. It seems, Old Saxon was a kind of bridge-builder between the shores of Frisia and the deep south-east of Eastphalia, including Merseburg and Magdeburg, the old Saxon heartland of the Ottonian and later Salian dynasties around the first millennium.

In ground-breaking new research, these shared features have been geographically mapped. This mapping shows that the distribution of the new linguistic features post-dating the migration period mirrors the traffic networks along the rivers Ems, Weser and Elbe. While the area south of the Ems turned “Franconian”, the river basins of the Weser and Elbe allowed contact between the coast and the inner parts of Saxony. It should be remembered that the area north of the Ems around Osnabrück was peaty and forested (the Teutoburger Forest). The authors conclude that although no more than approximately 40 km divided the two communicative corridors, people tended to move along the water-ways and eschew traversing the deep forests of the Teutoburger ridge and the peaty landscapes stretching from there to the north.

SOURCE:

Geography and Dialects of Old Saxon: River basin communication networks and the distributional patterns of Ingwaeonic features in Old Saxon
By Arjen Verslout and Elżbieta Adamczyk
In: Frisians and their North Sea Neighbours: from the fifth century to the viking age.
Ed. by John Hines and Nelleke IJssennagger
Woodbridge: The Boydell Press 2017,  pp. 125-148.

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Henry James, the Bowery, and New York Jews

by Alice Sparberg Alexiou

In 1904, at the apex of his career, Henry James came home from Europe for the first time in more than 20 years. He’d written many books—Daisy Miller, The Wings of the Dove, What Maisie Knew, Portrait of a Lady, The Golden Bowl—about his favorite subject: people like himself, genteel ex-patriots who’d embraced the luxury and ambiance of the Old World. He had looked at every facet of his obsession with Americans living abroad, and rendered their nuances into his gorgeous but often infuriating prose, with its too-long, overly embedded sentences. This was the idiom of an American writing in English, and living on the Continent. But now, James, back in the rude, fresh New World, had a whole new angle for viewing his compatriots.

Image via Library of Congress.

He spent one year traveling around the States, giving lectures and taking lots of notes. The resulting travelogue—The American Scene, published in 1907—showed James with his famously keen eye, searching restlessly for a place in his native land to hang his hat. He’d been away for so long that you could hardly call him American anymore.

James was born in 1843 in New York to an old moneyed family. The city that he remembered from his childhood, with its gentle blocks of brownstones punctuated by the occasional church spire, was being overwhelmed by modern technology. Steel-frame structures reached to such afore-unheard of heights that a new word had to be coined for them—skyscrapers—and a brand-new underground train system was whisking people up and down the spine of Manhattan. Everywhere, buildings were being torn down and new ones erected; the noise was unbearable. Moreover, there were some five times more people living on Manhattan Island in 1904 than when James was born. At that time, the population increase came mostly from immigration, as hordes of impoverished foreigners poured through Ellis Island every day, and from there into the streets of the Lower East Side, making it the then-most densely populated place on the planet.

James was overwhelmed by the changes; and it was the immigrants, with their strange ways and babel of tongues, that most unnerved him. He fretted over what the word “American” even meant anymore: Immigrants, he agonized, are changing the very meaning of American-ness, the concept that has consumed him throughout his life. He was 61 when he returned to America in 1904. But at the same time, immigrants fascinated him; he tried to stop thinking about them, but he couldn’t. So he surrendered to his curiosity. The best place to observe the foreign-born, he discovered, was along the Bowery, that wide, shabby and most New York of thoroughfares (It was sooty, too, thanks to the El that screeched and roared over it, all day and night, in either direction.) The Bowery belonged to the city’s poorest denizens. On and around it, the residents—the vast majority of whome were foreigners—lived, worked, and played. James liked to observe them by riding along with them in the streetcars that traveled “the crepuscular, tunnel-like avenues that the ‘Elevated’ overarches,” as he wrote in The American Scene, p.122.

Image via Library of Congress.

“Face after face, unmistakenly, was ‘low,’” he remarked. He added that the charm that you associate with, say, Italians when you’re among them in their native country vanished when they became denizens of New York. Clearly, the Italian presence in New York—it was largely with their sweat that the New York subway tunnels got excavated—clashed with his gauzy fantasy-vision of a rich American ex-pat in Italy, a place he adored and used extensively in his writings. As for the Jews, then pouring out of boats every day by the thousands as refugees from pogroms in Russia, they offended him much more than the Italians. Walking through the clogged streets of the Lower East Side one summer evening, he marveled at how crowded it was, and, in addition, how much each denizen’s inherent Jewishness was concentrated to such a degree in each individual. The scene brought to his mind worms, creatures that, when cut into pieces, each “wriggles away contentedly and lives in the snippet as completely as in the whole. So the denizens of the New York Ghetto, heaped as thick as the splinters on the table of a glass-blower, had each, like the fine glass particle, his or her individual share of the whole hard glitter of Israel.”

Good god, Henry James, why did you have to deploy your sublimely crafted prose in the service of such awful thoughts? But like a moth drawn to a flame, he kept returning to the Bowery and the Lower East Side to observe Jews. No surprise, he found great material to write about; indeed, he devoted an entire chapter to the Bowery in The American Scene. The Bowery was lined with Yiddish theaters, and one evening, James dropped briefly into one of them—“a small crammed convivial theatre, an oblong hall, bristling with pipe and glass, at the end of which glowed for a moment, a little dingily, some broad passage of a Yiddish comedy of manners. It hovered there, briefly, as if seen through a spy-glass reaching, across the world, to some far-off dowdy Jewry.” He quickly left, but he later couldn’t get the image out of his mind.

Image via Library of Congress.

James’ visits to the Bowery corresponded to the golden age of Yiddish theater in New York. Writer Jacob Gordin was penning serious plays for such great actors as Jacob Adler, who spawned an acting dynasty, and the glamorous Bertha Kalisch, both of whom were drawing the attention of uptown critics. Then-culture vulture types were rushing down to the Bowery to see Adler and Kalisch play Shakespeare—in Yiddish—even though they couldn’t understand the language. So popular were both actors that both were offered roles, and played on Broadway, while James was in New York. Adler played Shylock—in Yiddish, since he did not know English—and Kalisch performed in Fedora, in what one newspaper called “her charmingly accented” English.

Uptown audiences were going nuts over these Yiddish stars, and this rankled James, the undisputed master of American letters.  The idea of Adler speaking Yiddish, or Kalisch her Yiddish-inflected English—as he snarkily put it, “a language only definable as not in intention Yiddish”—on the American stage felt especially intolerable to him.

Henry James returned to England in 1905. He revisited America only once more, in 1910. He became a British citizen in 1915, and died the following year. He’s one of my favorite authors—I, the granddaughter of some of those Lower East Side Jews whom James was both fascinated and repelled by. And it makes me smile to think of what the great writer would say if he knew that today, “New York” is a moniker for “Jewish.”

Visit our friends at Criminal Element for an excerpt of Alice Sparberg Alexiou’s new book Devil’s Mile, available wherever books are sold.


ALICE SPARBERG ALEXIOU is the author of Jane Jacobs: Urban Visionary and The Flatiron: The New York Landmark and the Incomparable City That Arose with ItShe is a contributing editor at Lilith magazine and she blogs for the Gotham Center. She is a graduate of Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism and has a Ph.D. in classics from Fordham University. She lives in New York.

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The History Behind the Mystery: Maze Master

by Kathleen O’Neal Gear

A reporter once told me that our library could pass for a crime lab.  Skulls detailing the history of humanity line the shelves and perch on pedestals, beginning with a diminutive acrylic cast of Australopithecus afarensis, running through a variety of Homo erectus examples, then on to the impressive skulls of Neandertals, who had larger brains than modern humans, and finally through a selection of prehistoric human skulls from cultures around the world. The neatly defined sections of books beneath the skulls are devoted to the chronology of human evolution.  As anthropologists, my husband Michael and I are fascinated by the long journey of Homo sapiens.  The question every anthropologist wants to answer is: What are we and how did we come to be?

The Age of Genomics has significantly changed the way we answer that question.

Probably one of the most surprising revelations of the full mapping of the human genome, in 2003, was that the human body is filled with shards of ancient retroviruses.   In fact, about 8 to 9% of our DNA is composed of viral fragments, which, millions of years ago, began to infect our DNA.  How did that happen?  Retroviruses are special.  They store information in a single-stranded molecule of RNA, and when they infect a cell, they release an enzyme, called reverse transcriptase, that allows the virus to hijack our cellular machinery to copy and paste itself into the DNA of our cells.  That’s how a retrovirus begins the process of making billions of copies of itself, which makes us sick.

As more and more information about ancient genomes has come to light, it’s become clear that when modern humans left Africa and traveled to Europe and Asia around 100,000 years ago, they met and interbred with at least three archaic species, Neandertals, Denisovans, and a third unknown species.  The result is that modern non-African populations possess genes from these three species.   Like passing on a gene for eye color, those ancient ancestors passed on to us a recently active retrovirus called Human Endogenous Retrovirus K.  HERV-K for short.  They are called endogenous retroviruses because once they infect a species, their genes forever remain in that species’ DNA.

In 2012, Dr. Lorenzo Agoni, et al. discovered that HERV-K reinfected the germ lineage cells of Neandertals and Denisovans multiple times.  50,000 years ago, HERV-K’s infectious power was impressive, but over thousands of generations, these molecular fossils in our DNA have changed so much that when first discovered it was believed they were just interesting curiosities in our genome.  Extinct.  Broken.  Unable to replicate.

However, on April 23, 2015, Dr. Joanna Wysocka of Stanford University told the New York Times that she believed these fragments of HERV-K may guide the development of the human embryo. In the article, “Ancient Viruses, Once Foes, May Now Serve as Friends,” she pointed out that, for a few days, embryonic cells furiously make HERV-K.  They stop making HERV-K the instant the embryo implants in the uterus.  Why?  Has our genome tamed an ancient enemy and turned it into a helpful friend?  Or is HERV-K just a “very successful parasite”?  For example, Wysocka tried infecting embryonic cells with influenza, and those producing HERV-K were better able to resist the flu infection.  HERV-K apparently protected the cells, so it seemed to be doing something positive in human development.

On the other hand, Dr. John Coffin who studies HERV-K at Tufts University School of Medicine in Boston has documented high levels of HERV-K in many diseases, including several cancers, multiple sclerosis, schizophrenia, and possibly neurodegenerative illnesses like ALS, better known as Lou Gehrig’s disease.

So, is HERV-K a helpful friend guiding our evolutionary course through time, or the Loch Ness Monster of the human genome?

Finally, in 2016,  Coffin, et al reported in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences that they had found the first intact virus in the human genome, and suggested it may have been traveling down human lineages for around 670,000 years.  Dr. Coffin said in a press release, “This one looks like it is capable of making infectious virus, which would be very exciting if true, as it would allow us to study a viral epidemic that took place long ago.”

Since genetic mutation is the toolbox of evolution, having a window into long past viral infections will also give us clues as to how HERV-K has mutated over time, and how those mutations have progressively altered the blueprint of our species.  Perhaps it will even allow us to project HERV-K’s next likely mutation.

That possibility was the inspiration for my novel Maze Master.  In the story, Dr. James Hakari is obsessed with documenting the molecular history of HERV-K and determining the next logical mutation. Will it be adaptive, helping us on the human journey or a Trojan horse that turns out to be the instrument of our extinction?  His research leads him down a viral maze into the ancient heart of HERV-K and to a startling vision of humanity’s future.  When a devastating new pandemic breaks out, Hakari disappears, and governments around the world wonder if he created the virus…or just predicted it.  Can he stop it?  They call on his former student, Anna Asher, to find him and bring him in.  But Hakari is a genius, a magician of viral geometry, finding him with the world collapsing around her is not going to be easy…

Writing Maze Master was a fascinating process of excavating the molecular past.   I hope you enjoy this science thriller.


KATHLEEN O’NEAL GEAR began writing full-time in 1986 and has over one hundred non-fiction publications in the fields of archaeology, history, writing, and buffalo conservation. She has authored several novels under her own name, and co-authored more than thirty international bestsellers with her husband, W. Michael Gear, including the North America’s Forgotten Past series (People of the LonghouseThe Dawn CountryPeople of the MistPeople of the Wolf, among others). Their books have been translated into twenty-one languages.

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The Secret Plot to Murder King James I

by Benjamin Woolley

The rise of George Villiers from minor gentry to royal power seemed to defy gravity. Becoming gentleman of the royal bedchamber in 1615, the young gallant enraptured James, Britain’s first Stuart king, royal adoration reaching such an intensity that the king declared he wanted the courtier to become his ‘wife’. For a decade, Villiers was at the king’s side–at court, on state occasions, and in bed, right up to James’s death in March 1625.

Almost immediately, Villiers’ many enemies accused him of poisoning the king. A parliamentary investigation was launched, and scurrilous pamphlets and ballads circulated London’s streets. But the charges came to nothing and were relegated to a historical footnote.

Now, new research suggests that a deadly combination of hubris and vulnerability did indeed drive Villiers to kill the man who made him. It may have been by accident–the application of a quack remedy while the king was weakened by a malarial attack. But there is compelling evidence that Villiers, overcome by ambition and frustrated by James’s passive approach to government, poisoned him.

In The King’s Assassin, acclaimed author Benjamin Woolley examines this remarkable, even tragic story—keep reading for an excerpt.

* * * * *

His charcoal moving across the paper in graceful arcs and sweeps, Peter Paul Rubens put the finishing touches to his sketch of George, being careful to capture the lively frizz of the duke’s long hair. He paid close attention to his eyebrows, delicately delineating each strand to emphasize their shape, and finished off the mustache with touches of a tawny-red chalk to catch the coloring. He tinted the lips with the same color, giving them the sort of full, rounded quality that came to be known as ‘Rubenesque’.

The irises of the eyes, which looked slightly askance at him, were filled in with cross-hatching and a light smudging of the chalk. A circle was drawn around them to give them definition. Rubens picked up a pen, dipped it into an inkwell, and marked a sharp punctuation point in the center of each eye, bringing a startling intensity to the duke’s gaze.

George Villiers, 1st Duke of Buckingham, attributed to Peter Paul Rubens (1577–1640). Image is in the public domain via Wikipedia.

The sketch was to form the basis of two new commissions from George for an equestrian portrait that would become the centerpiece of the main reception room in York House, and a ‘plafond’ or ceiling painting, for his bedchamber.

Rubens had already been given a commission to work on pictures to decorate the new Banqueting House in London, but there had been a dispute over the quality of the work he had produced, which turned out to be by his studio staff rather than his own hand. He had been forced to take it back and offer a replacement. Here was his chance to redeem himself.

George had seen Rubens’s work in Madrid, including a magnificent portrait of the Duke of Lerma in full armor mounted on a white steed, a military treatment which captured with vivid intensity the subject’s majestic confidence and power. That was the sort of quality the artist was now expected to reproduce for George. The plafond was to represent George’s astonishing social ascent using a classical theme. He would be featured in an almost Christ-like pose being conducted up to a temple in the heavens by Mercury and Minerva, with the figure of Envy pulling at his ankle, and a lion representing Anger threatening to bite his foot. A considerable fee of £500 had been agreed for the works – nearly twice the price the almost bankrupt duke had paid for Titian’s Ecce Homo.

Rubens was seated with a bandaged foot, a cobbler having wrenched it fitting a boot. As he sketched they talked. He was a diplomat and politician as well as a sought-after artist, a devout Catholic who acted as a confidential advisor and agent of Archduchess Isabella, governor of the Spanish Netherlands and aunt of Philip IV of Spain. A meeting with George provided him with a chance to size up a significant political figure, and one of the archduchess’s main antagonists.

They talked about the need for peace between religions as well as nations, Rubens later recalling the duke as showing a ‘laudable zeal’ for the ‘interests of Christianity’. Rubens had heard the military threats that had accompanied James’s final weeks, and expressed the hope that, now Charles was securely installed on the throne, his father’s more peaceful approach to diplomacy might be revived, focused on preventing rather than stirring up war, the ‘scourge from Heaven’.

Yet from behind the easel, the shrewd eye of the artist could see little to reassure him. George’s expression has both a relaxed and threatening quality to it, a suggestion of what Rubens later characterized as ‘caprice and arrogance’. The hint of a smile could be misleading, as an upward curve at the corners of the mouth was exaggerated by the flick of the long whiskers of his mustache. He emanated a vitality that teetered between the tragic and the heroic, the mercurial resolve of a man who had everything and nothing to lose. ‘He seems to me forced by his own daring either to triumph or to die gloriously,’ Rubens would recall.


Benjamin Woolley is an author and broadcaster whose work covers subjects ranging from the origins of virtual reality, to the Elizabethan philosopher, scientist and conjurer John Dee, and from the mathematician and computing pioneer (and daughter of Lord Byron) Ada Lovelace to the history of colonial America. His books, including The King’s Assassin, have been translated into German, Italian, Spanish, Japanese and Chinese, and his documentaries broadcast across the world. He lives in London.

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The Hells Angels’ Role at Altamont

by Saul Austerlitz

Puttering in mostly unnoticed among the stream of vehicles making their way onto the speedway grounds, a tan school bus crammed full of young men parked just behind the stage. From the exterior, this bus hardly differed from any of the other ramshackle vehicles to have arrived at Altamont that day. But unlike the majority of people attending, the men in the dun-colored bus had come to do a job. They were bikers, and the bus was owned by the San Francisco chapter of the Hells Angels. The vehicle containing the bulk of the security staff for Altamont rolled to a halt about one hundred yards away from the stage. The remainder of the Angels rode their Harleys—some solo and some with female passengers clinging to their backs—right up to the lip of the stage. The crowd frantically scattered out of the way of the sputtering motorcycles.

When the Hells Angels rode in to a new destination, they always followed a distinct pecking order. The full-fledged members would roar in on their motorcycles first, with the prospects, associates, and assorted hangers-on bringing up the rear. What was true of their entrances was true of all the bikers did. The members would always lead the way. The others, particularly the prospects who hoped to curry enough favor to join the club, would always follow the lead of their superiors.

There would be little oversight of the Hells Angels at the start of the concert, either from the festival staff or the Angels’ leaders. Few, if any, bikers present would be concerned with the long-term reputation of the Hells Angels, and how the broader public might perceive their actions. Oakland Angel chief Sonny Barger, perhaps the most respected (and feared) of the Bay Area Angels, was absent at the start of the concert, attending an officers’ meeting along with numerous other high-ranking Hells Angels. In their absence, the Angels dispatched many of their younger and more spirited members, along with prospects intent on proving their mettle under battle conditions.

On this day, there were approximately twenty or twenty-five Hells Angels present, with another few dozen prospects and hangers-on with them. The prospects, in particular, knew that the best way to win the Angels’ acceptance was with a demonstration of their unyielding toughness. With little police presence at Altamont, and almost no security presence besides the Hells Angels, bikers had carte blanche to strong-arm the audience. And as fans kept pushing forward from the back, those up front would get dangerously close to the Hells Angels and their motorcycles.

Three hundred thousand people arrived at Altamont over the course of the morning and early afternoon, and the only protection they had from chaos was itself fomenting that very same chaos. There was no visible police presence, and little security beyond the Hells Angels, who, whatever services they might have provided in the past, were clearly uninterested in keeping the peace at Altamont. As the Angels took their places, a huge contingent of fans was attracted, as if by invisible magnets, into close proximity to the bikers, near the lip of the stage. They were impelled by an unconscious desire to be as close as possible to the Rolling Stones, and by the layout of the speedway itself. Everyone crept closer and closer, and for the people at the front, there was nowhere to go.

The raceway was enormous, and the stage tiny in comparison. From a distance, the figures on the stage were hardly more than dots, and fans who had made the trek from the Bay Area wanted to come home with firsthand reports of having seen Mick Jagger in the flesh. They began to push in. The fans already standing near the front were crunched ever closer to the stage. A tight-knit crowd became standing-room-only, and standing-room-only became not quite enough room to stand.

Some onlookers thought the whole scene resembled a New York subway car at rush hour. There you were, holding on to a strap, breathing in the fumes of someone’s wet armpits, and convinced it could not possibly get any more crowded. There simply was not room for another human being in this car. Then the train stopped at the next station, and another crush of human beings shoved their way on. Then the same scene repeated at the next stop, and the one after that. The fifty or sixty yards nearest the stage rapidly transformed into a carpet of people, a breathing mass of undifferentiated humanity too crammed together to separate. It was terrifying to be so closely packed in, to have one’s well-being be so thoroughly at the mercy of the crowd.

From the moment of the Angels’ arrival, violent conflicts broke out everywhere. Wherever bikers were, violence spontaneously erupted. If you asked the bikers themselves, they would tell you it was because their reputations preceded them. Everywhere they went, there would be someone with a hard-on for a biker, intent on kicking some Angel ass so they could go home and brag to all their friends. Detractors might argue that the bikers themselves treated violence as a blunt instrument, capable of dealing out punishment, retribution, or a much-needed lesson after a perceived infraction. Altamont was no dif­ferent. Bikers grabbed women by the hair and assaulted them. They spotted attractive women in the crowd and yanked them up forcibly to the top of their bus. They snatched cameras out of fans’ hands and ripped out the film after being photographed without their permission. They threatened to kill concertgoers who accidentally stepped on their fingers. The bikers had established a closed system in which they were simultaneously the criminals and the police force tasked with preserving order. Those looking for justice would find nowhere to turn other than to those who had violated their trust.

Five-foot-seven and 175 pounds, all muscle from his day job as a roofer, “Hawkeye” came with three knives and a .22 revolver, in the mood to party and only too glad to hassle anyone who got in the way of his fun. Hawkeye and his friends from another motorcycle group, the Sons of Hawaii, had come with a fistful of counterfeit $20 bills they had printed at a local copy shop, planning to use them to buy drugs from sellers in the crowd. Upon arrival at Altamont, they realized there would be no need for such elaborate chicanery. He and his friends would steal money and drugs from those displaying their stashes or their bankrolls, and then violently manhandle them when they complained. The victims would almost inevitably head off to find their friends, and when they came back, spoiling for a fight, Hawkeye and his friends would beat them once more. The victims were scared, and desperate for a security presence to resolve the situation, but no authority was higher than that of the Hells Angels. Hawkeye didn’t worry about their complaints, or even their fitful attempts to get rough. Unless they came back with an army, they would have no chance at all. He and his friends were pushing people around, kicking ass, and stealing girlfriends, and having the time of their lives doing it.

The only thing missing for Hawkeye and his friends was a pad and a pencil. There were so many free-love girls there, all flashing their breasts and flirting outrageously with the bikers, that he later wished he had gotten some of their numbers for later use. This was a party, and they were the guests of honor. They never wanted it to end. Hawkeye and his friends felt free, unquestioned, even loved. They tossed some overzealous band handlers off the stage, and basked in the glow of the audience’s pleasure at seeing this literal leveling. The whole crowd laughed with them, or at least it felt that way for these young men, high on crank—a variant of methamphetamine— and their own authority.

Four or five plainclothes Alameda County sheriffs stood around backstage, their weapons in their holsters. After intervening in one of the early fights between the Hells Angels and fans, they took note of how thoroughly outnumbered they were, and thereafter ceded the field to the Angels. Few fans or performers saw them for the remainder of the day.

The counterculture saw the Hells Angels as they wanted to see them, turning a blind eye to their professed love of violence, their misbegotten politics, and their outright racism. That alliance was in the process of breaking down this Saturday, shattered by the overly ambitious professional demands imposed on the Angels, and a creeping rage toward the music-loving masses.

The bikers’ ferociousness, and their remarkable sense of cohesion, made for a notable contrast with the idealism of the crowd they patrolled. The counterculture believed itself to be an organized mass, intent on fomenting change in the United States: ending a war, returning power to the people. But seeing the Hells Angels was a reminder of the counterculture’s limitations, embodied in the actions of their foes.

The Angels were violent authoritarians in the guise of bikers, intent on imposing their will on an unruly crowd. They were also a cohesive unit, acting in unison. The Angels had determined who would run Altamont, and what was and was not permissible there, and no one would be permitted to question the new order. This was the day’s new reality. The counterculture spoke of unity, but the Hells Angels lived it. It was so powerful in action that it could hold hundreds of thousands in its thrall. What good was a peace sign against someone wielding a pool cue?

Some of the Angels approached Sam Cutler, guiding the action onstage, looking for guidance about how to handle unruly crowd members. This rushed tête-à-tête only further underscored the differences between Altamont and previous concerts, in which the Angels had putatively provided security but rarely interacted with the crowd. “We don’t give a fuck,” Cutler bluntly told the Angels. “Just keep these people away.” Whether or not the Stones and their representatives knew what they were doing in hiring the Hells Angels, they had now given them explicit authority to manhandle the crowd. Passive negligence regarding the show’s security had now become, due to the disinterest of the Rolling Stones and their handlers, an active policy of violence and domination. The Angels were now patrolling deeper into the crowd, targeting the 18-wheelers that had been parked next to the stage. The Angels seized fans sitting atop the trucks and flung them off, a dozen or more feet down to the hard ground.

To continue reading how the Hells Angels were involved in the tragedy at Altamont, pick up Just A Shot Away by Saul Austerlitz.


SAUL AUSTERLITZ has had work published in the LA TimesNY TimesBoston GlobeSlate, the Village VoiceThe New Republic, the SF ChronicleSpinRolling Stone, and Paste. He is the author of several previous books, including Money for Nothing: A History of the Music Video from the Beatles to the White Stripes. He lives in Brooklyn.

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